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TO THE WHIGS OF VIRGINIA. 



The undersigned, a member of the convention lately held in the city of Rich- 
mond for the purpose of considering the propriety of holding a National Con- 
vention and nominating a Whig candidate to that body, difiering with a ma- 
jority of the Convention, in the conclusions to which they came, feels im- 
pelled, by the strongest sense of obligation to himself, and to those whose 
views he' represented, to make the following statement of facts, which he 
tiusts will be done in a spirit and temper becoming his own position, and with 
all the respect fairly due to that bod3^ 

One of the chief objects of a convention is to ascertain and reflect the views 
of a majority of those who are to be represented in the convention; and all 
conventions must fail of their purpose, and in their usefulness, when such rules 
shall be adopted as shall serve rather to prevent, than elicit a full expression of 
public sentiment. We hold that nothing can be more clear, than that when 
members of the same political family are collected together for the purpose of 
common communion and interchange of sentiment, with a view, not of making,, 
but ascertaining the opinions of the majority of those represented, that the adop- 
tion of no rule can be justified that Avill serve to smother rather than draw forth 
the public mind, or that will furnish the opportunity for a minority to control 
the action of a majority. j^ 

It is understood that the late Whig convention was invited by a resolu- 
tion adopted by the Whig members of the Legislature, in the month of Decem- 
ber last, chiefly with the view of ascertaining whether the Whig party of Vir- 
ginia would endorse the recommendation of General Taylor. 

It might naturally have been expected, that when this invitation ha^ been 
responded to, by so'large a portion of the people, that those who invited it would 
have been among the tirst to see that their voice should be heard, and their 
views carried out, as they had been expressed in their primary assemblies — 
whether they did so or not, will form the subject of this paper in part. 

It had been broadly represented, by the Whigs in the Legislature, that Gen- 
eral Taylor would be a most acceptable candidate to the Whig party of the 
State; and they had invoked the judgment of the people upon their own act, by 
asking them to send up delegates to a convention to ratify or disclaim what they 
had done. 

Among the first acts of the convention was the appointment of a con:mittee 
for the purpose of recommending rules, &c., for its government; which com- 
mittee proposed to give to each cownty, city, and election district in the State, 
the same representation that it had in the House of Delegates. 

This proposition appeared to the undersigned so obviously imperfect and de- 
lusive, that he felt constrained to oppose it; he not only undertook to show 
its inequality, but that that very inequality must of itself mislead the judgment, 
and bring the convention to a false conclusion; or, in other words, defeat the 
object professed, of ascertaining the true condition of the public mind. 

It was urged, in opposition to the resolution, that the ratio of representation, 
as established by the Constitution for the House of Delegates, could bear no 
aflinity to the convention, because that representation was based on the entire 
population of each county, including as well those who would be represented in 
the Democratic convention, which was soon to assemble, as our own party^ 

J. & G. fi. GideoPj printers. 



which was alone represented in the Whig convention; and that therefore the 
ratio of representation should be changed, if it was the purpose of the conven- 
tion to ascertain correctly and reflect truly the sentiment of the Whig party of 
Virginia. 

THE VOTES OF COUNTIES CONTRASTED. 

It was shown, that while Shenandoah with her fifteen hundred votes was 
entitled to two representatives in the House of Delegates, that she was by no 
means entitled to so large a vote in the convention, to represent only 170 Whig 
voters, while the county of Augusta would exercise no larger influence, in the 
determination of any question, with 1,398 Whig voters. 

Let us take the poll of the Presidential election in 1844, when the largest 
Whig vote ever cast in the State was given for INIr. Clay, and see how it would 
operate. On that occasion, Loudon gave 1,505 Whig votes, Augusta 1,398, 
and Kanawha 983, making in all 3,886; which number, by the rule proposed, 
would be entitled to six votes; while, in the same election, Madison had given 
65, Greenville 83, Page 50, Pocahontas 81, Isle of Wight 93, and Surry 118— 
making in all 490; and these six counties, being represented by one delegate 
each in the Legislature, would be entitled to as many votes in the convention 
as those counties w^liich gave 3,886 Whig votes; so that, when the question of 
availahility or preference between the two candidates came up, if the three coun- 
ties of Loudon, Augusta, and Kanawha should vote for Mr. Clay, as they pro- 
bably would, and the other six for General Taylor, then 490 men would be per- 
mitted to neutralize the vote of 3,886, and the voice of 3,396 voters woidd be 
unheeded and unheard in that body. 

Again, while Richmond, with her 1,000 Whig votes, might express her pre- 
ference for Mr. Clay by one vote in convention, Shenandoah might give her 
two votes for General ^'aylor, and thus it would appear that General Taylor 
was decided by two to one to be the choice of Virginia, when 1,000 had voted 
for Mr. Clay and only 170 for General Taylor. In regard to the Richmond 
electoral district, composed of Goochland, Hanover, Henrico, Richmond, King 
and Queen, and King William, now represented by a Taylor delegate to the 
National Convention, we hazard nothing in saying the vote would be TWENTY 
to one for Mr. Clay. Yet this is called a representation of public sentiment. 

It is useless to pursue this course of investigation farther, as the dullest com- 
prehension cannot fail to understand its manifest inequality and injustice. 

To obviate this difficulty, it was proposed to scale the vote, and give to each 
county, city, &c., a voice in the convention equal to its Whig strength, as 
nearly as we could approximate it; that is to say, taking the vote of 1844, that 
being the fullest and largest ever given, as the guide, to give one vote for every 
hundred Whigs in the county, and another for every fraction over fifty, but that 
each county should be entitled to one vote. By the adoption of this rule, the 
fifteen hundred Whigs of Loudon would have been entitled to offset 1,500 
Whigs wherever else to be found; and 50 Whigs in Page should balance no 
more than 50 Whigs elsewhere; by this means the full voice of the Whig party 
in the State might be ascertained; but, so far from its being adopted, rather a 
bad spirit was betrayed at its bare suggestion. It was voted down by an over- 
whelming majority, and the resolution of the committee was adopted. From 
that moment the utter impracticability of arriving at a just conclusion on any 
subject about which we might differ, became so apparent that— /or that if no 
other reason existed — the undersigned felt it to be his duty to resist the ex- 
pression of a preference for either of the candidates; and he feels called upon 
now to PROTEST against the preference expressed, as in his belief not cor- 
responding with the preference of the Whig party of the State. 

But, while the principle is objected to, the undersigned is free to admit that * 
the adoption of no rule at that time, represented as the counties were with a 



foregone conclusion to nominate General Taylor, would have changed the prac- 
tical result; whether the people were represented or misrepresented will be for 
them to determine in their own way. Richmond has already spoken for her- 
self. It is to be hoped other counties will follow her example. 

EXPRESSION OF PUBLIC SENTIMENT. 

Again, by the undersigned an examination had been made of the pro- 
ceedings of the different counties in their primary assemblies; and it was as- 
certained, and stated to the convention, that 34 counties, containing a Whig 
voting population of 10,792, had, directly or indirectly, expressed a preference 
for the nomination of Gen. Taylor, (almost uniformly on the ground of supe- 
rior availability alone;) while 20 counties, containing a Whig voting population 
of 9,840, had expressed a preference for the nomination of Mr. Clay; and 36 
other counties, containing a Whig vote of 13,180, had left the decision of pre- 
ference to a National Convention; and the remaining counties, containing 
9,420 Whig votes, had held no meetings at all, and had therefore expressed 
no preference, and had of course left the matter entirely to the decision of a 
National Convention. Certainly they had delegated no power to the State 
convention to express a preference for them. Then, out of a vote of 43,232, 
which was the entire vote given for Mr. Clay in 1844, only 10,792 had ex- 
pressed a preference for the nomination of Gen. Taylor; while the remaining 
counties, including the three classes — 1st. Those which had expressed a pre- 
ference for Mr. Clay. 2d. Those that had referred the subject to a National 
Convention; and, lastly, those that had delegated no power to this convention, 
constituted 32,440 against the nomination of Gen. Taylor, to 10,792, who were 
in favor of it; and upon this ground he insisted that there was no justifica- 
tion for the adoption of the resolution, declaring, "That, in the opinion of this 
• convention, founded on the best evidences before it, Gen. Zachary Taylor is 
the choice of the Whigs of Virginia for the Presidency of the United States." 

I, therefore, on this ground also, protest against the nomination that has 
been made, as not expressive of the sense of the people. 

And, again, by reference to the proceedings of the county of Augusta, the fol- 
lowing emphatic resolution of preference will be found unanimously expressed: 

Resolved, That the Whigs of Augusta now, in primary meeting assembled, seize the occa- 
sion to proclaim to their brethren, and the world, their steadfast confidence in Henry Clay, 
their unabated admiration of his genius, his exalted statesmanship, and his unswerving patriot- 
ism; and believing, as they do, that by the blessing of a Divine Providence he yet continues in 
the full enjoyment of bodily health, and that age has left unimpaired the powers of his intellect, 
•while it has but matured his wisdom and enlarged his experience, they feel themselves well 
warranted in expressing their decided p-eference for him over any and all other members of the 
party whose names may be presented to the National Convention as candidates for the Presi- 
dency." 

Yet, notwithstanding this most decided preference thus expressed by the 
Whigs of Augusta for Mr. Clay over all other members of the party, it will be 
found in the proceedings of the convention that the delegation from that coun- 
ty from beginning to end voted for the nomination of Gen. Taylor. 

In the face of such evidence as this, how can it be asked that we regard the 
preference expressed for General Taylor as evidence of public sentiment in 
Virginia? 

GEN. TAYLOR'S LETTER. 

But, furthermore, during the sitting of the convention, another letter from 
General Taylor, then for the first time published, bearing date 30th January, 
1848, reached us, in which he says his determination is immutable not to be 
brought forward as a party candidate, nor will he be considered as the exponent 
of party doctrines, but will take a nomination from Whigs, Democrats, or Na- 
tives; which was presented to the convention as furnisMng just and impreg- 



liable ground for not making a nomination at that time, even on the part of 
those representing a constituency previously favorable to the nomination of 
General Taylor, as they had not seen that declaration from under his own pen 
when such preference was expressed, and that it should be turned over to the 
National Convention, in order that the full import of that letter might be fairly 
understood. 

The undersigned has no disposition to comment further on this letter here, 
and therefore he submits it, as he finds it, to the consideration of the Whigs of 
Virginia. It bears date five months after his letter to Mr. Ingersoll, which has 
also been published, in which he says in one part he is a Whig, and another 
that he is no politician — a political paradox which 1 do not profess to understand. 

" Tayhr convention in Pennsylvania. — The action of tliis body, which met at Harrisburg on 
the 22d instant, is g-iven, in brief, in the following telegraphic despatch: 

" Harrisborg, Fcbrvwy 22. 

" The Taylor Convention assembled here to-day. James M. Porter was chosen as President. 
About fifty delegates were present, mostly from Philadelphia. An electoral ticket has been 
agreed upon. Senatorial delegates, JudgdT3uche'r, of Harrisburg, and .Judge Spuler, of Harris- 
burg, thirst district, Tho. D. Grover; second, Dr. K. J. Mitchell ; third, James Peters; fourth, 
J. Sidney Jones. Among the others are H. W. Smith, of Berks; Luther Kedder, of Luzerne; 
Judge Burnside, of Centre; Thos. C. Miller, of Cumberland, &c. 

"A letter from General Taylor, dated the 30th ultimo, to P. S. Smith, was read, as follows : 

" Baton Rodge, La., January .30, 1848. 

" Sir : Your communication of the 15th instant has been received, and the suggestions therein 
offered duly considered. 

" In reply to your inquiries I have again to repeat, that I have neitlier the power nor the de- 
sire to dictate to the American peo|)le the exact manner in which they should proceed to nomi- 
nate me for the Presidency of the IJiiited States. 

"If they de.sire .such a result, they must adopt the means best suited, in their opinion, to the 
consummation of the purpose ; and if they think fit to bring me before them for this oflice, 
through their legislatures, mass meetings, or conventions, 1 caimot object to their designating 
those l)odies as Whig, Democratic, or Native ; but, being thus nominated, I must insist on the 
condition — and my position on this point i.s immutable — that I shall not be brought forward by 
lliem as the candidate of their party, or considered as the exponent of their party doctrines. 

" In conclusion, I have to repeat, that if I were nominated for the Presidency by any body of 
ray fellow-citizens, designated by any iianje they might choose to adopt, I should esteem it an 
honor, and would accept such nomination, provided it had been made entirely indejienticnt of 
party considerations. I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

"Z. TAYLOR. 

" Peter Sken Smith, esq. " 

Such was the effect produced by this letter, together with other matter that 
had been presented by the undersigned, that the friends of Mr. Clay indulged 
a well grounded hope that they would ultimately succeed in having the whole 
subject transferred to the National Convention for its consideration, uninflu- 
enced by any expression of preference for Gen. Taylor. And under that feeling, 
with an anxious desire to preserve the unity of the party, and that conciliation, 
harmony, and compromise mig^t characterize the deliberations of the conven- 
tion, he submitted the following preamble and resolutions as a substitute for the 
resolution of the committee, accompanied with earnest appeals to our friends to 
be satisfied with the delegation that had been appointed to the Philadelphia 
Convention, and to let them go untrammelled by any expression of preference 
for einier. The following is the substitute referred to, and it is submitted to the 
Whigs of Virginia, if there be any dissatisfaction with the proceedings of the 
cx)nvention, who are responsible for it; and whether the friends of Mr. Clay, or 
those of (icneral Taylor, j)rovod themselves the more practicable and concili- 
atory towards those of the Whig i)arty differing from them.'' If there are disor- 
ganizers in the party, it is submitted whether it can be applied to us, or those who 
have introdu('ed a stranger into tlie canip without sufficient endorsement, and 
'ioko in,^isis, if he in nominated^ it nnwii be iiidependerd of all party cont>-i(krationSy 
and that he ic-ili not be the exponent of our party doctrines. It must not be for- 



5 

gotten that every letter s6 formidably arrayed in the published proceedings of 
the Buena Vista festival at Philadelphia were written prior to the publication of 
either of his letters contained in this article. What effect these letters may 
have produced remains to be seen. 

" Whereas a diversity of opinion seems unfortunately to exist among; the Whigs of this State 
on the subject of the relative availability of the distin2;uished individuals whose names have been 
presented as candidates for the next Presidency, which it is essential to the best interests of the 
conntry, and perhaps the perpetuation of the party in this State, should be harmoniously set- 
tled, but which this convention is not prepared to decide; and whereas the Whigs of Virginia 
have implicit confidence in the integrity and wisdom of the National Convention, which is to 
assemble m the city of Philadelphia on the 7th day of June next, that will have more ample 
means and extensive information from which to make a judicious selection of a candidate upon 
whom the Whigs of the entire country can rally with a certainty of success — therefore, 

^'Resolved, That it is inexpedient that this convention should express any preference for 
either of the individuals whose names have been presented and canvassed as suitable candidate;? 
for the Presidency. 

^'■Resolved, That the members of this convention hereby pledge their best exertions to secure 
the success of whomsoever may be the nominee of the National Convention." 

THE EFFECTS OF LIGHTNING. 

The undersigned has authority for saying that, about this time of the pro- 
ceedings of the convention, Mr. John S. Gallaher, well known in Virginia as 
among the first to raise the flag of General Taylor at the head of three papers 
under his control, and perhaps the most uncompromisiiig of his friends any 
where to be found, was prepared to offer a resolution of compromise, by which 
no preference was to be expressed, which would have terminated all difficulty 
between the contending parties, when a most unpropitious and unfortunate cir- 
cumstance occurred, that gave a decided and overwhelming influence to the 
action of the convention. 

The imdersigned disclaims all purpose to impute intentional misrepresentation 
to the gentleman through whose instrumentality the misrepresentation was 
made to the convention, but the facts as they occurred are too important to be 
withheld from the public. They exercised too large an influence over the 
judgment and decision of the convention^ to be omitted. They must occupy 
the same prominence here that they did in the convention; for he holds that 
he would be unfaithful to his trust, and especially to the friends of Mr. 
Clay everj'' where, if by forbearance he were to permit the claims of Mr. Clay 
or his strength to be prejudiced by any misunderstanding or misstatement that 
was made. 

In the course of the discussion much contradictory testimony had been in- 
troduced on either side, to show the relative strength of each of the candidates 
in other States. It was the question of availability, in a large degree, upon 
which a considerable portion of the convention were anxious to be informed, in 
order to bring their minds to a satisfactory co'nclusion upon the propriety of 
adopting the resolution of preference, or the substitute proposed. For, when 
Mr. John Janney remarked that he presumed every member of the con- 
vention preferred Mr. Clay if available, he paused for a reply — four gentlemen 
only responded in the negative; which he observed, by saying, there are four 
gentlemen only in this convention who do not prefer Henry Clay — am I right? 
To which many affirmatives, and no negative response was given. So that it 
could have been with them only a question of availability. 

In the course of the discussion, Kentucky and North Carolina had been re- 
ferred to, and the undersigned had stated, that arrangements had been 
made by the friends of General Taylor to receive by telegraphic despatch infor- 
mation from the Kentucky Convention, that General Taylor had been nomi- 
•nated by that body; that it had been looked for for twenty -four hours or more, 
,and that it had not yet arrived, and he ventured the prediction that it would 
mot arrive; for he had reason to believe Kentucky would do precisely what the 



friends of Mr. Clay were pressing on that convention to do, to wit, appoint 
their delegates to the National Convention without instructions, and without an 
expression of preference for either, as she would be willing to take either that 
the National Convention might designate. 

After this, and just before the conclusion of Mr. Preston's speech, he exult- 
ingly proclaimed— "THE TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH HAS ARRIVED; 
KENTUCKY HAS GONE OUT AND OUT FOR OLD ZAC!" 

Shout upon shout followed the announcement; and when the uproar had sub- 
sided, the speaker continued— " BOTH CONVENTIONS HAVE NOMI- 
NATED OLD ZAC, and now my lips are unsealed; I may say what I would 
not have said two hours ago — but what I have long known — that only three 
members of the Kentucky Legislature were opposed to him." 

Such an announcement, at such a time, with such an air of triumph, of the 
defection of Mr. Clay's own State, where his popularity had known no bounds, 
produced such an effect as may be better imagined than described. When the 
long-continued cheering and shouting on the part of Gen. Taylor's friends had 
subsided, the speaker resumed— "AND ANOTHER TELEGRAPHIC DES- 
PATCH HAS ARRIVED; NORTH CAROLINA, TOO, HAS NOMINA- 
TED OLD ZAC!" This is certainly the substance, and, as nearly as I can 
recollect, the language used, in which I am confirmed by many with whom I 
have consulted, and especially by other printed accounts that I have seen. 

Here the friends of Gen. Taylor seemed to be intoxicated with success. 
Nothing could stem or arrest the torrent; for we could not doubt that the des- 
patches received justified the declarations made; and while they were calcu- 
lated to disparage all the estimates and predictions made by the friends of Mr. 
Clay, at the same time it seemed to satisfy the Convention as to the question 
of availability. An adjournment was asked for until after dinner, that the 
minds of the members might become settled and sobered by reflection; for 
discussion at that time, and to the' temper indicated, would have been 
worse than useless. It was the desire of the undersigned again to have 
addressed the Convention. It refused to adjourn, but with commendable 
courtesy agreed to hear anything we had to say at that time, but expressed a 
determination to pass the resolution before adjournment. The discussion was 
not further prosecuted, except for a few minutes. Among the friends of Mr. 
Clay, who came instructed, and determined to support him to the last, many 
gave way under this accumulated evidence of want of availability, and said it 
was of no use — the question of availability was settled, and they were ready to 
vote for the resolution of preference for Gen. Taylor. 

This is a true narrative of what occurred, and such it is believed as will be 
recognised by every member of the Convention. 

Now, suppose it had been as represented — that Gen. Taylor had received a 
nomination from the Conventions of Kentucky and North Carolina — how did 
that operate to make him the choice of Virginia, when they knew no- 
thing of what had transpired in Kentucky and North Carolina, and when 
they did not doubt tliat either Gen. Taylor or Mr. Clay could obtain both States 
if nominated by a National Convention? Moreover, neither Kentucky nor 
North Carolina had seen the Peter Sken Smith letter above referred to; for 
there had not been time; ard if both Kentucky and North Carolina would 
have voted for either Mr. Clay or Gen. Taylor, what influence should .such a 
nomination have exercised wilh that body in settling the question then at issue 
between us — whether the evidence before us justified the declaration that 
Gen. Taylor was the choice of the Whigs of Virginia for the Presidency of the 
United States? For it is believed that if left to the Whigs of Virginia to elect 
a President, the vole for Mr. Clay would be so nearly unanimous, that those 
opposed to him would never let it be known. 



But what will be the amazement of those members of the Convention who 
acted under the state of feeling above described, when it is announced to them 

that THE TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH HAD NOT ARRIVED ! that 

the Kentucky Convention had NOT NOMINATED OLD ZAC ! and that the 
Kentucky Convention had expressed no preference for either, but had only 
done what it had been predicted by the undersigned it would do, and 
what we aU asked the Virginia Convention to be satisfied with? And how 
will their amazement be increased, when they are told that THE OTHER TEL- 
EGRAPHIC DESPATCH HAD JV'OT ARRIVED from North Carolina! and 
that NORTH CAROLINA HAD JVOT NOMINATED OLD ZAC! and that 
the Convention of that State had at that time not acted at all, but has since 
acted, and that Convention is understood to have been decidedly favorable to 
Mr. Clay by a majority of three-fourths at least ! 

That A telegraphic despatch had arrived, both from Kentucky and North 
Carolina, is no doubt correct; but did they justify the declarations based upon 
them, is the question? I give them as they appeared in the public prints of 
the city of Richmond — the Republican and Whig — on the following morning, 
which, when seen, created as much surprise as the announcement founded 
upon them had occasioned the day before. It will be seen, that from North 
Carolina, somebody, (God knows who,) in communicating with the Baltimore 
Sun, a locofoco paper, had expressed it as his belief, that a majority of the 
Convention were in favor of Gen. Taylor; and this telegraphic information, 
on its passage through Richmond, was caught at by somebody, and magnified 
into a nomination of Gen. Taylor, and was no doubt so communicated to Mr. 
Preston; but that those who gave him the information knev: beiter, or ought to 
have known better, cannot be doubted, and it certainly requires explanation. 

Here are the despatches: 

DESPATCHES EXTRAORDINARY. 

Kentucky. — A Telegraphic despatch, received yesterday, announced that the Whig State 
Convention of Kentucky has appointed delegates to the National Convention favorable to Gen. 
Taylor — and that the Tailor Convention, which met on the same day, in Frankfort, united in 
their appointment. 

|E3=™ a Telegraphic despatch from Raleigh to the Baltimore Sun, states that Charles Manley, 
Esq., of Raleigh, has been nominated as the Whig candidate for Governor of North Carolina; 
and the despatch adds, that a decided majority of the Convention were in favor of General 
Taylor for the next Presidency. 

We forbear to make any further comments on this extraordinary state of 
things, by which such a result was arrived at. 

MR. CLAY IN KENTUCKY. 

It now appears, however, not only from fhe public prints, but from private 
letters received from many quarters, that an overwhelming majority of the 
Kentucky convention were decidedly friendly to the nominatio7i of Mr. Clay, 
and nothing prevented his nomination, if any nomination had been made, but 
a misapprehension of his position, occasioned by letters received from Wash- 
ington that Mr. Clay ''would retire from the contest so soon as he reached 
home;" so that it wiU be perceived that in Kentucky, as elsewhere, Mr. Clay 
has been overslaughed by his position being misunderstood, whether designed 
or otherwise; and that he continues to be, as he always has been, the favorite 
and choice of Kentucky for the highest office in their gift. 

Developments are daily coming to light to exhibit his increased strength, 
and the gradual decline of Gen. Taylor's popularity as a Whig candidate; 
even at this moment we have another letter from Gen. Taylor which, while it 
will elevate him in our estimation as a man of honor and consistency, must 



forever destroy him as a candidate for the Presidency by the Whig party, and 
that his nomination, it is to be apprehended, may upon the instant annihilate 
the Whig party, as a party, forever. Let those who are for such a disband- 
rrent of our party organization persist in their mischievous and ruinous course; 
but, for one, I am resolved to struggle to the last moment for the perpetua- 
tion and success of that party with which I have been identified, and done battle 
from its origin. 

In this connection it is deemed important to attach the subjoined statements 
from the Louisville Journal, a warm Taylor paper, to shoAv the feeling in the 
Kentuckv convention, which was said to have nominated General Taylor OUT 
AND OUT: 

" To the Editors of the Louisville Journal. 

" Gentlemen : In your paper of this morning you publish a letter from Frankfort over the 
signature of A., in which there is the following statement: 

" It was generally understood in the Whig State Convention, from declarations by the 
friends of Mr. Clay, that he will not allow his name fo be used as a candidate for the Presi- 
deni^y — that he wil! hi a short time formally announce this determination ; and the convention, 
therifore, very propeny, from motives of delicacy to him, forbore to nominate General Taylor." 

" I was one of the secretaries of the Whig Convention — I was present during the whole time 
it was in S3ession, and heard all of the speeches made in it; and if your correspondent meant to 
state that any one of the friends of Mr. Clay stated in and to the convention, ' that he will not 
allow his name to be used as a candidate, and that he will in a short time formally announce 
this determination,'* and tliat in consequence of this statement made to the convention, from 
motives of delicacy to Mr. Clay, General Taylor was not nominated, then I pronounce the 
statement utterly and without (jualificaiion false ; and I can prove it to be false by five hundred 
men. Nav, so far from its being true, exactly the reverse is the fact. 

" In reply to a question by Mr. Page, General Combs stated substantially, if not in so many 
words, that ' no man was authorized to say whether Mr. Clay's name would or would not be 
presented to tlie National Convention ; that Mr. Clay resei'ved to himself, and to himself alone, 
the right to determine upon that subject at the proper time.' And I will further say, that if the 
friends of Taylor's nomination had oftered a resolution in the Whig Convention, nominating 
him, it would have been rejected by an overwhelming majority; that the wire-worker.s knew 
this, and that in my opinion it was for this and for no other reason such a resolution was not 
offered. 

"February 25. " G. J. JOHNSTON." 

" The following comes to us signed with the names of five gentlemen of the highest respecta- 
bility — three of them members of the Legislature: 

" To the Editors of the Louisville Journal. 

" Frankfort, Fehntary 24, 1848. 

" Sirs : In the Daily Journal of to-d.ay we find an editorial account of the Whig meeting in 
the Capitol on Monday night, which states that Messrs. G. Davis, L. W. Andrews, and Gen. 
R. Collins made speeches in opposition to the Taylor resolutions introduced in that meeting, 
but avowed themselves Taylor men. Tliis is not a fair statement. They avowed themselves, 
first and foremost, CLAY MEN — Clay men, as Mr. Andrews expressed it, against the world ; 
but Taylor men in the event General Taylor should be the nominee of the party. 

" In the letter of ' W.,' from Frankfort, in the same number of the Journal, written from 
here on the 22d instant, there is this other statement : ' There is a large majority here in favor 
of General Taylor's nomination by the National Convention.' 

" Wo do not know how ' W.' proceeded to ascertain the supposed majority, but we do know 
that the inunense meeting held ir. the Capitol on Monday night was one of the largest congre- 
gations of the delegates at any time assembled together ; that it was the only meeting in which 
the names of Mr. Clay and General Taylor were mentioned in connexion ; and that never at 
any time in that very enthusiastic meeting was the cheering so tremendous, so prolonged, and 
so deafening, as when Mr. Andrews declared, that if resolutions nominating General Taylor 
were offered in Whig State Convention, he would ' move to strike out the name of Taxjlor and 
insert the name of Clay.'' The cheering here was absolutely overwhelming, and continued for 
many minutes, the whole meeting nearly rising to their feet and joining in the applause. And 
wlien the Taylor men requested the immense crowd to leave and let them attend to their busi- 
ness, the meeting adjourned with three hearty cheers for Henry Clay, and at least four-fifths of 
the meeting left the Capitol. 

*NoTE. The statement here referred to, was evidently taken from letters received from 
Washington, and read to the meeting held the night before the convention met. 



It was never doubted by Mr. Clay's friends that if the vote between Clay and Taylor had 
been taken in that overwhelming meeting, it would" have resulted in the preference of Clay by 
an immense majovity. 

" In justice to Mr. Clay and his friends throughout the country, we beg you to make public 
these statements. They will be sustained by the united voice almost of the great crowd which 
assembled in Frankfort at our Whig State Convention." 

AVAILABILITY OF MR. CLAY. 

Aye, he is not only stronger in Kentucky, but he is stronger in every State 
than any man that can be started or named in the United States, as was shown 
in convention by tabular statements. He outran, in 1844, every man of the 
Whig party, in every State, before and since, whether for President, Governor, 
Congress, or anything else. His vote in 1844 beat General Harrison's in 1840: 
In Pennsylvania, 17,182; in New York, 6,637; in Ohio, 6,900; in Virginia, 
1,176; in New Jersey, 4,967; in Maryland, 2,546; in Rhode Island, 2,104; 
in Connecticut, 1,227; in Georgia, 1,842; in Delaware, 300; in Kentucky, 
2,790; in Michigan, 1,304; in Indiana, 2,565; in Louisiana, 1,577; in Mis- 
souri, 7,702; and yet they tell us he is not strong enough to run again, and it 
is proposed to throw away, a second time, such a chance as he had in 1840. 
In the other States where General Harrison beat Mr. Clay, they both carried 
them or both lost them, and therefore it made no difference. And when gen- 
tlemen ask if his chance is any better now than we thought it in 1844, we an- 
swer, no; but it is a great deal better than we thought Harrison's in 1840; 
and the condition of the country, and the state of the public mind, now corre- 
sponds with that of 1840, and not of 1844. The people now (as then) are jipe 
for change.^ and determined on reform, and we can elect any good Whig we 
choose. So in Virginia, where it was claimed in convention that the great ac- 
cession of Whig strength, as exhibited in the result of the elections for mem- 
bers of Congress and of the State Legislature, last spring, had shown his weak- 
jiess and Gen. Taylor's strength, it was demonstrated that Mr. Clay outran 
every member of Congress, in their own districts, except two, and his aggre- 
gate vote was between 6 and 7,000 more than that of all the Whig candidates 
for Congress put together; and this is what they call weakness. We wish he 
would impart some of his weakness to a few more Whig candidates for Con- 
gress before the next election. 

There is another element in this calculation which seems to have been over- 
looked, and that is, that the vote of Mr. Birney, added to Mr. Clay's, would 
have made his majority, in 1844, 23,471 over Mr. Polk, and the probability is 
that that vote will not be cast as heretofore, because they are now satisfied 
Mr. Clay was right on the Texas question, which they did not then believe. 
And it only requires a change of 3,000 votes in Pennsylvania to give him that 
State; the iron interest alone can do this, to say nothing of the Catholic and 
Foreign vote, which may be changed, and is certainly not as hostile to Mr. 
Clay as it was in 1844. 

Mr. Fillmore is regarded as a strong man in New York, and so was Gov. 
Young at the time of his election. Let us see how the account stands. Last 
fall Mr. Fillmore's vote was 174,756, and his majority in the State was 38,729; 
and in 1846, Gov. Young's vote was 198,878, and yet, Mr. Clay's vote in 1844, 
was 232,482. What evidence of weakness this! 

In Pennsylvania, in 1844, Shunk's vote was 160,403, Markle'svote 156,120. 
In 1847, Shunk's vote was 146,114, Irwin's vote (running on Gen. Taylor's 
strength) was 128,138; and in 1844, Mr. Clay's vote was 161,203; in Main, 
the vote for Governor, in 1847, was 24,304, for Mr. Clay 34,378; in Connec- 
ticut, for Governor 30,137, for Mr. Clay 32,832; in Vermont, for Governor 
23,933, for Mr. Clay 26,770; in Massachusetts, for Brigg's, Governor, 53,743, 
for Mr. Clay 67,009; in Rhode Island, for Governor 6,863, for Mr. Clay 



10 

7,322; in New Jersey, for Governor 32,251, for Mr. Clay 38,318; In Dela- 
ware, for Governor 6,012, for Mr. Clay 6,258; in Georgia, for Governor 
41,931, for Mr. Clay 42,100; in Maryland, for Governor 33,730, for Mr. 
Clay 35,984; in North Carolina, he greatly outran the Congressional candi- 
datest; there was no election for Governor in 1847; thus every where outrun- 
ning all local candidates. Nothing is proposed to be set down to the ques- 
tions then at issue, but all to Mr. Clay's weakness; nothing to the Kane letter, 
by which Mr. Polk was made to appear a better Tariff man than Mr. Clay; 
nothing is set down to the Texas question; nothing to the Catholic excitement, 
which no longer exists; nothing is set down to the foreign influence, which is 
now with us; nothing to the Abolition vote; nothing to frauds practised at the 
polls, by which he was supposed to have been cheated out of New York, Penn- 
sylvania, Georgia, and Louisiana; nothing to the prosperity of the country, 
occasioned by the action of the Whig Congress of '42, that had restored the 
credit of the Government, replenished its Treasury, and given encouragement 
to trade and industry in '44; but all is set down to his Avant of strength; and on 
the other hand, no calculation is made now upon credit, again impaired, the Trea- 
sury empty, a large public debt created, and a ruinous and unnecessary war, 
for Avhich our opponents are to be held responsible, no calculation or allowance 
is made for all this; all principle is to be abandoned, and nothing but expedi- 
ency and availibility is to be consulted, and the champion of all our principles,^ 
the strongest and most available too, is to be set aside, to take up a soldier of 
no experience in political life, upon the idea that the people are silly enough to 
be attracted only by the drum and fife. With what consistency or propriety 
can we condemn Mr. Polk for taking from the Senate a mere civilian, as a 
Lieutenant General, to place over experienced military men, and for looking 
to the ranks of private Ufe for his Brigadiers, Colonels, Majors, &c., when we 
propose to look to the camp for a mere soldier, who has never occupied the 
humblest position in civil life, to take charge of the affairs of this entire nation, 
foreign and domestic, to the exclusion of the wisest, most experienced, and 
most trustworthy statesman of the age. If availability and party expediency 
will excuse us, will not party expediency also justify him ? As we condemned 
him, so we could not justify ourselves. Is Mr. Polk*« position, as President, 
less important and responsible than that of a Lieutenant General in the army?- 

ANOTHER LETTER FROM GENERAL TAYLOR. 

The last letter of General Taylor is also subjoined, dated February 12th, 1848, 
by which it will be seen that he says he is a Whig, but not an ultra Whig. What 
he means by being a Whig, but not an ultra Whig, remains to be explained; 
but he says, moreover, IF WE TAKE HIM, IT MUST BE ON OUR OWN 
RESPONSIBILITY. Now, we say, we want a President who will be a 
WHIG on his own responsibility and not ours. But, as in his letter of 30th 
January, to Peter Sken Smith, he again disclaims any purpose TO LOOK TO 
THE PRINCIPLES OF THE WHIG PARTY, FOR HIS RULE OF AC- 
TION, how General Taylor can be a Whig, and not look to the jyiinciples of 
the Whig party as the rule of his action, is a little more than we profess to 
comprehend. Suppose a Priest were to be selected by the Catholics, and one 
presenting himself wore asked what is your religion, and he were to answer I 
am a Catholic, but I cannot look to the doctrines or principles of the Catholic 
church as the rule of my conduct, would they choose him for a Pope or a 
Priest? But his letter is given entire, in his own words, only adding that 
Mr. JeflTerson was elected as a party candidate, so was Mr. Madison, General 
Jackson, Mr. Van Burcn, Gen. Harrison, and Mr. Polk, and we see no reason 
why Gen. Taylor should occupy higher ground than any that have gone before 
him, except General Washington: 



11 

Baton Rouge, La., Feb. 12, 1848. 

My DEAR Colonel: Your very kind communication, and the accompanying newspaper, have 
duly reached me. 

In reply to the closing remarks of your letter, I have no hesitation in stating, as I have stated 
on former occasions, that I am a Whig, though not an ultra one, and that / have no desire to con- 
eeal this fact from any portion of the people of the United States. I deem it but candid, however, to 
add, that if the Whig party desire, at the next Presidential election, to cast their votes for me, 
they must do it on their own responsibility, and without any pledges from me. 

Should I be elected to that office, I should deem it to be my duty, and should most certamly 
claim the right, to look to the Constitution and the high interests of our common country, and 
not to the principles of a party, for my rules of action. 

With my sincerest thanks for your expression of friendship, and my best wishes for your suc- 
cess through life, I remain, very truly, your friend and obedient servant, 

Z. TAILOR. 

Col. a. H. Mitchell, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Of course, when Gen. Taylor says he will look to the Constitution and the 
interests of the country as his guide, it la all well enough; no body can object 
to that; but we have believed he might do that, and yet adopt the principles of 
the Whig party, and look to them as the rule of his action; certainly there is 
no demagogue, or loco foco in the land, that would not say as much; even Mr. 
Polk says that now; and John Tyler did say so to the last; but take this letter, 
and strip it of all disguise and useless verbiage, and how does it read? Why, 
a plain English translation would read thus: "I am a Whig, but not an ^dtra 
one; and I do not wish you to be deceived; if you take me, it must be on your 
own responsibility, for I will make no pledges. I tell you in advance, I will not 
look to the principles of your party as the rule of my actions." Can more or 
less be made of it? Now, take him, let him adopt the Sub-treasury and Tariff 
of 1846, and other equally obnoxious measures, as there is too much reason to 
believe he would, and what have you afterwards, in the face of this letter, to 
say against it; and who is it that can say it, when he has given us this precau- 
tion in advance ? 

General Taylor is a Whig! But what sort of a Whig? What, in his opin- 
ion, constitutes a Whig? Mr. Wise was a Whig, and is now a Democratic 
elector. Mr. Tyler was a Whig. Mr. Gilmer was ^'■every inch a Whig.''^ Mr. 
Gushing was a Whig. Mr. Proffit was a Whig. Mr. Meade, now a Demo- 
cratic member of the House of Representatives, was a Whig elector in 1840. 
Mr. John M. Patton, the president of the Democratic convention, was a Whig 
in 1840. Mr. James Garland and Mr. Robert G. Scott, Democratic electors 
in 1848, were Whigs in 1840. And how many of these gentlemen admit that 
they have changed? The most of them certainly admit no such thing. They 
only differed, they say, with the rest of the party, as to what constituted a 
Whig; and they aver that, when they supported Gen. Harrison, he avowed 
no principles- .and, to Usten to them, you would believe they were the most 
upright and downright consistent politicians in the world. Now, when a gen- 
tleman says he is a Whig, but not an ultra one, is it unreasonable that we 
should ask him what, in his opinion, constitutes a Whig, and what an ultra 
Whig; especially when he adds that "Ae will not be the exponent of our party 
doctrines, and will not look to the principles of the Whig party as his rule of ac- 
tionV^ Will we not know something more about him before we elect him to 
what is regarded as the most elevated and responsible position known to man- 
kind? Will we not even inquire into his views upon the war? We have some 
war Whigs! Is Gen. Taylor for the absorption and annexation of Mexico? 
Is he for^a defensive line, the Sierra Madre, as indicated in his letter to Gen. 
Gaines? Or is he against the acquisition of any territory? Does he go for in- 
demnity, or against it? Is it unimportant for us to know these things; or must 
we act in the dark upon these vital questions? We ask, how can a no-party 
candidate consistently and honestly make a Whig President? 



12 

DISORGANIZATION OF THE WHIG PARTY. 

That there is a design on the part of many (certainly not all) of General 
Taylor's supporters, and prominent supporters too, to break up the Whig party, 
and its organization, is too apparent to escape detection. 

I know that among his supporters are k) be found members of the Whig 
party, who ever have shared the confidence of the Whigs, and are not the less 
entitled to do so now than heretofore; but it is an exercise of no more than a com- 
mon and undeniable right, when I say I think they have been deceived and are 
in error. Their opinions are entitled, perhaps, to more weight than mine, 
and therefore I have chosen to give Gen. Taylor's opinions on political sub- 
jects in his own language, that the people, the masses of the party, may judge 
for themselves. Believing as I do, I should be a traitor to the party, not to 
say what I think, or to postpone it until it might be too late. I believe 
the Whig party of Virginia has been swallowed up by the Conservative party, 
(as is best known to those familiar with the secret history of the conven- 
tion,) and it must be disgorged, or the Whig party in Virginia is lost for- 
ever. Is the old Whig party to be sustained or broken up? Look to the 
speech of the Hon. Wm. Cost Johnson, one of Gen. Taylor's warmest friends, 
at the New York Taylor meetino;. He said: "I mvself am a Whig, and I be- 
lieve Gen. Taylor is a Whig also, BUT NOT A WHIG UPON THE OLD 
PLATFORM OF WHIGISM; though I have fought for those principles till 
i had every button whipped off; and I have become wise enough to drop them. 
When I first started, I went for every question upon the old platform of 
Whigism. After speaking of all the old issues, he says : " We must get 
rid of these by taking new men, fresh men; who have not the odium of all 
these questions upon them, or who can boldly come out from them and declare 
that these questions are not now the rule of their conduct." Gen. Taylor 
has done so; he has come out from the old Whig platform. Let those who 
desire to get off of this old Whig platform, do so, but in the language of 
Joshua of old, "./?,? /or Trie and my house, wetvill serve the Lord.'''' NoAv, the 
difference between Gen. Taylor and his friend Mr. Johnson, and ourselves, is, 
tluit we do mean to stand upon the old platform, and we can advocate the claims 
of no man who does not stand there with us. 

Hear also what the New York Herald, of the 27th ultimo, a paper devoted 
to Gen. Taylor's election, says: 

GENERAL TAYLOR A "DEMOCRAT." 

" General Taylor's Position and Prospects. — Having been the first journalist in this 
eounlry to place the nnme of General Taylor in connection with the Presidency, it may be sup- 
posed that we take a little interest in the progress of his prospects, from time to time, and in the 
position he occupies at this moment particularly. 

" During the last few months, various movements have been made, both by Democrats and 
Whigs, having for their object the elevation of this distinguished man to the Chief Magistracy ; 
but the two most important movements, of late, are undoubtedly the resolutions passed in his 
favor by the Ulica Democratic convention in this State, and the recommendation of him by the 
Virginia Whig convention, in Richmond, as a candidate to the Whig National Convention, to 
be held in Philadelphia." 

And in another paragraph of the same article the Herald says: 

" In this position of things, we think it is but foir to urge General Taylor on the Democratic 
National Convention which is to meet at liullimorc, as their best, most distinguished, and most 
available candidate. He is as much a Democrat as he is a Whig, and perliaps more of the for- 
Htier than he is of the latter. It is tme that a certain portion of the Whig party wish to repre- 
sent him as a Whig exclusively; but this is done from dishonest motives, and for deceptive pur- 
poses." 



13 

Can we be blind, deaf, or insensible to the danger in which the Whig party 
is placed by these various disclosures ? Are we, the great Whig party of this 
nation, reduced to the alternative, after all our labor, and just at the moment 
when success is about to crown our exertions — are we to be driven to the 
alternative of taking a candidate who is, in the language of the Herald, "as 
much a Democrat as a Whig, and perhaps more of the former than the latter ?" 
Why does the Herald support him ? Why does Mr. Cost Johnson support 
him ? Why does Gen. Duff Green support him ? Why does Mr. John Tyler 
support him ? Why does Judge Bibb support him ? Why did the Barnburners' 
convention (as it is called) adopt resolutions virtually nominating him? Why 
does James M. Porter, of Pennsylvania, support him ? Why is he said to be 
acceptable to Mr. Calhoun ? Is it because he is a Whig ? Are these gentlemen 
Whigs ? Or is it to be supposed they know not what they do? If we are asked, 
on the other hand, why others who are Whigs supi>orl him, we say, they have 
answered for themselves, because he is AVAILA13LE, as they think, and they 
have not inquired sufficiently into his principles. 

GENERAL TAYLOR ON THE WILMOT PROVISO, 

I will not do Gen. Taylor the injustice to say he will not veto the Wilmot 
Proviso, if he should be elected, and it should pass during his term; but his 
friend, and devoted friend, Mr. Andrew Stewart, of Pennsylvania, certainly 
thinks he will not, and endeavors to sustain him with the North on that ground. 
But on other questions we think Gen. Taylor cannot be taken for a Whig. 

We give Mr. Stewart's letter as we find it in the National Intelligencer; 

Washington, March 1, 1848. 

Gentlemen: Since writing my letter of yesterday I have referred to the "Signal correapon- 
dence," and find it, on the point therein referred to, to be as follows: 

The editor of the Signal says: " The extension over the continent beyond the Rio Grande of 
the ordinance of 1787 is an object too high and permanent to be baffled by PresidentiaJ vetoes. 
All that we ask of the incumbent of the highest office under the Constitution is to held his hand, 
to bow to the will of the people, as promulgated in legislative forms, and restrain the Executive 
action in its appropriate channels." General Taylor, in reply, expresses his "high opinion and 
approval of the sentiments and views embraced in your (his) editorial." 

Yours, &c. A. STEWART. 

CLAY AND TAYLOR'S STRENGTH CONTRASTED. 

It is a circumstance of the highest importance, and therefore it must not be 
overlooked, that General Taylor's chief strength has been exhibited in those 
States only which NO nominee of a National Convention could ho}>e to carry. 
We do not mean to deny that, IF HE COULD OBTAIN THE NOMINA- 
TION, he could carry the States of Georgia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Ten- 
nessee, and Maryland; but where else, in all the Eastern, Northern, Middle, 
and Western Whig States, or States that Ave might hope to carry, has any de- 
velopment been made that his strength is equal to Mr. Clay's; and who can 
doubt that Mr. Clay, if nominated, could as easily carry these States as Gen. 
Taylor? Now, should we give up certain, reliable W^hig States, to take the 
chance of carrying States that never have^iven, and probably never will give, a 
Whig Electoral vote?* 



•Since writing the abovfe I have met with the following confession on this subject from a Ten- 
nessee Taylor paper. 

The Presidency — Clay and Taylor. — The politicians seem determined to rule the Presidentiat 
roast, and the Whig signs of the limes are quite clear that a Whig National Convention will- 
again present the name of Henry Clay to the people as a candidate for the popular suffrage as 
President. The demonstrations for Mr. Clay, throughout the Noith and v\ est, are very strong, 
andj we opine, overpowering; while we regret the demonstrations in behalf of our favorite can- 



14 

PROTEST— REMEDIES PROPOSED. 

Upon a review of all the circumstances, I hold that I cannot do less, on my own 
iDehalf, and on behalf of the friends of Mr. Clay, and of the Whig party, but espe 
cially of those whom I represented in that convention, than protest in the most 
earnest manner, as the convention was notified I would do, against the deci- 
sion of that convention being received as the sense of the Whigs of Virginia, 
that General Taylor is preferred to Mr. Clay as the next President of the Uni- 
ted States. 

It must be apparent that the action of the convention, under all the circum- 
stances, will prove any thing but satisfactory to the numerous friends of Mr. 
Clay every where, and that that dissatisfaction is not likely to advance the in- 
terests of General Taylor, in the event of his being selected as the candidate of 
the party. 

Already are murmurs of dissatisfaction heard, which will swell and increase 
as the circumstances are developed and made known. Already have proposi- 
tions been made, and determinations expressed, that each party shall try its 
strength, in the approaching spring, by running a Clay and a Taylor candidate. 
All this would we avoid, because it can end in nothing but the destruction of 
the Whig party in Virginia. I would deprecate it as a lasting mischief to 
the country; and our friends throughout the State are earnestly entreated to 
abandon so suicidal a policy. We have not been well treated, but let us 
seek some other less fatal remedy. 

Let each county select its Whig candidate, whether for Clay or Taylor'; let 
the Whigs, as they vote, express their preference for Mr. Clay or General 
Taylor, as they see fit; let TRUTH, fairly and openly obtained, go up to the 
National Convention; and the beaten party will submit with patience, and help 
their Whig brethren, in the contest that will ensue, with all their hearts and 
all their strength. 

But if it is not deemed advisable to take the poll in this w^ay, then let the 
matter rest until after the spring elections are over; let no impediment be 
thrown in the way of Whig success; let the Taylor party have every opportu- 
nity to shew the strength of their candidate; let us unite with them and they 
with us; and, at the May courts, let each county express its preference, and 
let the aggregate Whig vote in each electoral district be taken as instructions 
to the delegate. Any thing, so that the sentiment and wishes of the party may 
be truly represented in the National Convention. At present, we have but one 
Clay delegate out of seventeen; is there a man in the commonwealth who be- 
lieves we are entitled to no more ? It is a matter of too much consequence, 
which may lead to results that can never be repaired, to have the public voice 
smothered, in this great contest for principle, by the action of an irresponsible 
body whose existence terminated with its labors. 

It is feared that much mischief has been done, which can be repaired only 
by a resort to one of the plans suggested ; and it is earnestly hoped that 
one may be adopted — we are indifferent which. The only object is to 
allay discontent, have the truth fairly ascertained, and to preserve the unity 
of the Whig party — which cannot be done by overslaughing the friends of Mr. 
Clay, constituting, as is believed, an overwhelming majority of the Whigs of 
Virginia and of the country. 

It is feared that the Whig party and its prospects have been sacrificed in Vir- 
ginia. It is conceived that the Whig convention has declared that the former prin- 



didate, Gen. Taylor, are mainly confined to some half dozen Southwestern States. All New- 
England, and tlic Middle States, and Ohio, embrncmo; the main Whig strength of the Union, are 
undoubtedly warmly in favor of Mr. Clay; and, we apprehend, will prerail in general Whiff 
Convenlion.v-Jtfemjjfcw (Tenn.) Eaglty a Taylm- paper. 



15 

ciples of the party either cannot be maintained, or that they are not worth fighting 
for, by selecting as their candidate one who says he will not look to them as his 
rule of action. In this I beg leave to differ both with the convention and 
the convention's candidate. We think they can be maintained, and are worth 
, fighting for; and we take ihem as the rule of our action. We are aware that the 
most prominent and active members of that convention did not prefer Mr. Clay as 
a first or second choice; and that, by them and the convention, the party has not 
only been endangered, but we fear will be overwhelmed at the ensuing spring 
elections; and I am prepared to hear it charged to my account. But all that shall 
not,deter me from making an appeal to the people, that I made in vain to the 
convention. They would not listen to us. We stand where we have always 
stood, endorsed by the whole Whig party of the country; and if there is any 
disorgnization, they are the disorganizers, who have introduced into the camp 
one who is not of us, nor with us. 

JOHN M. BOTTS. 
March Sth, 1848. 












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